Gov. Scott Walker speaks at the State of the State address in Madison, Wis., held at the State Capitol building, on Jan. 10, 2017. A comparison of omnibus budget motions showed both parties have used the controversial mechanism to anonymously tuck items into the state budget, but the size and impact of the items included has ballooned during Walker’s tenure. Credit: Coburn Dukehart / Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism
This story is part of a series examining the state of Wisconsin’s democracy in an era of gerrymandering, secret campaign money, restrictive voting laws and legislative maneuvers that weaken the power of regular citizens to influence government.
The nonpartisan, nonprofit Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism is increasing the quality and quantity of investigative reporting in Wisconsin, while training current and future investigative journalists. Its work fosters an informed citizenry and strengthens democracy.
The Center is a member of the Trust Project, a global network of news organizations that has developed transparency standards to help news readers assess the quality and credibility of journalism.
The Center is also a member The Global Investigative Journalism Network, an international network of nonprofit organizations founded to support, promote and produce investigative journalism.
The Center is also a founding member of the Institute for Nonprofit News, a group of nonprofit journalism organizations that conduct investigative reporting in the public interest.
Alexandra Hall, the Wisconsin Public Radio Mike Simonson Memorial Investigative Reporting Fellow, interviews Guillermo Ramos at dairy farm in northern Buffalo County, Wisconsin. Ramos, who is from Mexico, has worked there for 17 years.
Ethics Policy
The Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism is an independent, nonprofit and nonpartisan news organization that strives to uphold high standards of fairness and accuracy.
The Center’s ethics standards include the Society of Professional Journalists Code of Ethics, adopted in 1996 and endorsed by thousands of journalists around the world. That code is reprinted below, with permission. WCIJ’s Board of Directors have also adopted a conflict of interest policy and a diversity statement, which appear after the SPJ Code of Ethics.
Additional standards guiding the Center’s operations include:
The Center’s Policy on Financial Support, which requires that the Center’s news coverage be independent of donors and that all providers of revenue will be publicly identified.
Membership standards of the Institute for Nonprofit News (originally Investigative News Network), the nation’s first consortium of nonprofit investigative news organizations. The Center is a founding member of INN and the standards, developed with assistance of the Center’s leaders, require members to disclose information about donors and financial practices, produce nonpartisan investigative journalism, and apply high journalistic standards for accuracy and fairness.
Society of Professional Journalists Code of Ethics
Preamble
Members of the Society of Professional Journalists believe that public enlightenment is the forerunner of justice and the foundation of democracy. The duty of the journalist is to further those ends by seeking truth and providing a fair and comprehensive account of events and issues. Conscientious journalists from all media and specialties strive to serve the public with thoroughness and honesty. Professional integrity is the cornerstone of a journalist’s credibility. Members of the Society share a dedication to ethical behavior and adopt this code to declare the Society’s principles and standards of practice.
Seek Truth and Report It
Journalists should be honest, fair and courageous in gathering, reporting and interpreting information.
Journalists should:
Test the accuracy of information from all sources and exercise care to avoid inadvertent error. Deliberate distortion is never permissible.
Diligently seek out subjects of news stories to give them the opportunity to respond to allegations of wrongdoing.
Identify sources whenever feasible. The public is entitled to as much information as possible on sources’ reliability.
Always question sources’ motives before promising anonymity. Clarify conditions attached to any promise made in exchange for information. Keep promises.
Make certain that headlines, news teases and promotional material, photos, video, audio, graphics, sound bites and quotations do not misrepresent. They should not oversimplify or highlight incidents out of context.
Never distort the content of news photos or video. Image enhancement for technical clarity is always permissible. Label montages and photo illustrations.
Avoid misleading re-enactments or staged news events. If re-enactment is necessary to tell a story, label it.
Avoid undercover or other surreptitious methods of gathering information except when traditional open methods will not yield information vital to the public. Use of such methods should be explained as part of the story.
Never plagiarize.
Tell the story of the diversity and magnitude of the human experience boldly, even when it is unpopular to do so.
Examine their own cultural values and avoid imposing those values on others.
Avoid stereotyping by race, gender, age, religion, ethnicity, geography, sexual orientation, disability, physical appearance or social status.
Support the open exchange of views, even views they find repugnant.
Give voice to the voiceless; official and unofficial sources of information can be equally valid.
Distinguish between advocacy and news reporting. Analysis and commentary should be labeled and not misrepresent fact or context.
Distinguish news from advertising and shun hybrids that blur the lines between the two.
Recognize a special obligation to ensure that the public’s business is conducted in the open and that government records are open to inspection.
Minimize Harm
Ethical journalists treat sources, subjects and colleagues as human beings deserving of respect.
Journalists should:
Show compassion for those who may be affected adversely by news coverage. Use special sensitivity when dealing with children and inexperienced sources or subjects.
Be sensitive when seeking or using interviews or photographs of those affected by tragedy or grief.
Recognize that gathering and reporting information may cause harm or discomfort. Pursuit of the news is not a license for arrogance.
Recognize that private people have a greater right to control information about themselves than do public officials and others who seek power, influence or attention. Only an overriding public need can justify intrusion into anyone’s privacy.
Show good taste. Avoid pandering to lurid curiosity.
Be cautious about identifying juvenile suspects or victims of sex crimes.
Be judicious about naming criminal suspects before the formal filing of charges.
Balance a criminal suspect’s fair trial rights with the public’s right to be informed.
Act Independently
Journalists should be free of obligation to any interest other than the public’s right to know.
Journalists should:
Avoid conflicts of interest, real or perceived.
Remain free of associations and activities that may compromise integrity or damage credibility.
Refuse gifts, favors, fees, free travel and special treatment, and shun secondary employment, political involvement, public office and service in community organizations if they compromise journalistic integrity.
Disclose unavoidable conflicts.
Be vigilant and courageous about holding those with power accountable.
Deny favored treatment to advertisers and special interests and resist their pressure to influence news coverage.
Be wary of sources offering information for favors or money; avoid bidding for news.
Be Accountable
Journalists are accountable to their readers, listeners, viewers and each other.
Journalists should:
Clarify and explain news coverage and invite dialogue with the public over journalistic conduct.
Encourage the public to voice grievances against the news media.
Admit mistakes and correct them promptly.
Expose unethical practices of journalists and the news media.
Abide by the same high standards to which they hold others.
More information about SPJ and its Code of Ethics is available at www.spj.org.
Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism Conflict of Interest Policy
The following Financial Conflict of Interest Policy (“Conflict of Interest Policy”) is an effort (i) to ensure that the deliberations and decisions of the Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism (“WCIJ”) are made solely in the interest of promoting the quality of journalism in the state of Wisconsin, and (ii) to protect the interests of WCIJ when it considers any transaction, contract, or arrangement that might benefit or be perceived to benefit the private interest of a person affiliated with WCIJ (each, a “WCIJ Representative”). As used in this Conflict of Interest Policy, a WCIJ Representative includes any director, advisory board member, financial advisor, legal counsel or employee.
Duty to WCIJ. Each WCIJ Representative owes a duty to WCIJ to advance WCIJ’s legitimate interests when the opportunity to do so arises. Each WCIJ Representative must give undivided allegiance when making decisions affecting the organization. Similarly, WCIJ Representatives must be faithful to WCIJ’s non-profit mission and are not permitted to act in a way that is inconsistent with the central goals of the organization and its non-profit status.
Gifts. No WCIJ Representative shall personally accept gifts or favors that could compromise his or her loyalty to WCIJ. Any gifts or benefits personally accepted from a party having a material interest in the outcome of WCIJ or its employees by a WCIJ Representative individually should be merely incidental to his or her role as a WCIJ Representative and should not be of substantial value. Any gift with a value of $250 or more, or any gifts with a cumulative value in excess of $250 received by a WCIJ Representative in any twelve-month period from a single source, shall be considered substantial. Cash payments may not be accepted, and no gifts should be accepted if there are strings attached. For example, no WCIJ Representative may accept gifts if he or she knows that such gifts are being given to solicit his or her support of or opposition to the outcome or content of any WCIJ publication.
Personal Loans. WCIJ may not loan to, or guarantee the personal obligations of any WCIJ Representative.
Conflicts of Interest. The following are examples of conflicts of interest which must be promptly disclosed to the WCIJ Board of Directors pursuant to Section 4 below by any WCIJ Representative with knowledge of such conflict of interest:
(a) any real or apparent conflict of interest between a donor or the subject of a WCIJ publication or report and a WCIJ Representative;
(b) a WCIJ Representative’s ownership of an equity interest in a person or entity that is or will be the subject of a WCIJ publication or report; and
(c) failure to disclose to WCIJ all relationships between the subject of any WCIJ publication or report and any WCIJ Representative or close relatives of the WCIJ Representative.
Conflict Procedure:
(a) If a WCIJ Representative or party related to a WCIJ Representative has an interest in any contract, action or transaction to be entered into with WCIJ, a conflict of interest or potential conflict of interest exists. Any WCIJ Representative having knowledge that such a conflict of interest exists or may exist (an “Interested WCIJ Representative”) will so advise the Board of Directors promptly. An Interested WCIJ Representative will include in the notice the material facts as to the relationship or interest of the Interested WCIJ Representative in the entity proposing to enter into a contract, action or transaction with WCIJ.
(b) Notwithstanding anything herein to the contrary, the Board of Directors may authorize any committee appointed pursuant to the WCIJ by-laws (a “Committee”) to act in lieu of the Board of Directors in determining whether an action, contract or transaction is fair to WCIJ as of the time it is authorized or approved by the Committee.
(c) At any time that a conflict of interest or potential conflict of interest is identified, the Chair of the Board or a Chair of the applicable Committee will ensure that such conflict of interest is placed on the agenda for the next meeting of the Board of Directors or the Committee, as applicable. The notice of such meeting of the Board of Directors or the Committee, as applicable, will include, to the extent available when the notice is sent, a description of the conflict of interest matter to be discussed. By notice before the meeting or at the meeting, the directors on the board or the Committee, as applicable, will be advised that a vote will be taken at the meeting and that, in order to authorize the relevant contract, action or transaction, an affirmative vote of a majority of disinterested directors present at the meeting at which a quorum is present will be required and will be sufficient, even though the disinterested directors constitute less than a quorum of the Board of Directors or the Committee.
(d) Reasonable effort will be made to cause the material facts concerning the relationships between the individuals and WCIJ which create the conflict to be delivered to and shared with the members of the Board of Directors or the Committee, as applicable, prior to the meeting to enable the directors to arrive at the meeting prepared to discuss the issue. In the event it is not practicable to deliver the information prior to the meeting, it will be delivered to the directors at the meeting, and the directors can act upon the matter with the same authority as if notice had been given prior to the meeting.
(e) The Board of Directors or the Committee, as applicable, will invite all parties to the conflict of interest to attend the meeting, to make presentations and to be prepared to answer questions, if necessary. The Board or Directors or the Committee, as applicable, will also invite outside experts if necessary.
(f) At the meeting, providing a quorum is present, the conflict will be discussed to ensure that the directors present are aware of the issues and the factors involved. The interested directors may be counted for purposes of a quorum, even though they may not take part in any vote on the issues.
(g) The Board of Directors or the Committee, as applicable, must decide, in good faith, reasonably justified by the material facts, whether the action, contract or transaction would be in the best interest of WCIJ and fair to WCIJ as of the time it is authorized or approved.
(h) All interested directors must abstain from voting and, if necessary, leave the room when the vote is taken.
(i) The Board of Directors or the Committee, as applicable, will maintain a written account of all that transpires at the meeting and incorporate such account into the minutes of the meeting and disseminate it to the full Board of Directors. Such minutes will be presented for approval at the next meeting of the Board of Directors and maintained in the corporate record book.
(j) To the extent that the conflict of interest is continuing and the contract, action or transaction goes beyond one (1) year, the foregoing notice and discussion and vote will be repeated on an annual basis.
Diversity Statement
The Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism embraces diversity and inclusiveness in its journalism, training activities, hiring practices and workplace operations. The Center recognizes that its mission and society in general are strengthened by respecting individuals’ cultural traditions, beliefs and viewpoints. The Center further acknowledges that for its journalism, and our democracy, to attain their highest potential, a robust supply of reliable information about key issues must be accessible to all.
Inclusiveness is at the heart of thinking and acting as journalists. Our guiding principles: Protect the vulnerable. Expose wrongdoing. Explore solutions. The complex issues we face as a society require respect for different viewpoints. Race, class, generation, gender and geography all affect point of view. Reflecting these differences in our reporting leads to better, more-nuanced stories and a better-informed community.
Part of our commitment to diversity means being transparent about our own staff. Our latest demographic survey data may be found here. Information about the composition of the Center’s workforce in past years may be found in its responses to the American Society of News Editors Newsroom Employment Diversity Survey from 2017 and 2018. ASNE, now the News Leaders Association, paused data collection in 2020 to redesign the survey.
The Center recognizes that Wisconsin law bars employers from discrimination on the basis of:
Age, Ancestry, Arrest Record, Color, Conviction Record, Creed, Disability, Genetic Testing, Honesty Testing, Marital Status, Military Service, National Origin, Pregnancy or Childbirth, Race, Sex, Sexual Orientation, Use or nonuse of lawful products off the employer’s premises during nonworking hours. Employees may not be harassed in the workplace based on their protected status nor retaliated against for filing a complaint, for assisting with a complaint, or for opposing discrimination in the workplace.
Approved Sept. 8, 2010, updated May 8, 2018, by the Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism Board of Directors
Our anti-racism stand and a pledge of action
On August 5, 2020, we published a statement representing the views of the entire Wisconsin Watch staff, including a pledge of action developed through weeks of discussion, research and reflection. The statement includes the following commitment.
We pledge to:
— Investigate and expose the histories and disparate impacts of systems on the lives of people of color.
— Explore solutions to problems not just through the perspectives of experts traditionally sought out by journalists, but also through the lived experiences of people who are finding ways to navigate existing societal systems.
— Embrace anti-racism, diversity, equity and inclusiveness in all of our journalism, and in our own newsroom, including collaborative efforts, the framing of news coverage and selection of news sources, plus in our training activities, hiring and retention practices, and workplace operations.
— Listen to your story ideas and welcome your contributions to our opinion and letters to the editors pages as forums for all voices.
We’ve developed fact-checking protocols here at the Center. But when an error slips by us, the best thing we can do to keep our readers’ trust is own up to it.
Our policy is to correct stories promptly and openly. If we find an error, we will fix the story and note on the page what has been corrected.
As most news outlets do, we distinguish between corrections (for mistakes) and clarifications (for vague or misleading content).
If you think we’ve made a mistake in a story, tell us!
Ownership Structure, Funding
The Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism is an independent nonprofit, nonpartisan 501(c)(3) organization that is primarily funded through grants from foundations and donations from individuals and corporations. Additional revenue is obtained through sponsorships of its events and activities, and from earned income — payments for providing services such as fact-checking, collaborating with students or producing investigative journalism projects.
More than 850 individuals, foundations, news organizations and other groups have contributed financially to the Center since its launch in 2009.
As a matter of policy, funders exercise no control over the Center’s editorial decisions, and all funders are publicly identified.
The Oklahoma-based foundation continued to support the Center with grants of $100,000 in 2010, 2011, 2012, 2013, 2014 and 2015; $75,000 in 2016; $50,000 in 2017 and 2018.
In 2010, the Center received a two-year $75,000 matching grant from Challenge Fund for Journalism VI, a joint program of the Ford Foundation in New York, the McCormick Foundation in Illinois and the Ethics and Excellence in Journalism Foundation. The Center successfully completed a campaign to raise those matching funds in 2011.
The Foundation to Promote Open Society, which works in cooperation with the Open Society Foundations in New York City, awarded the Center general support totaling $50,000 in 2009, $100,000 in 2010 (to be spread over two years), $35,000 in 2011, $350,000 in 2012 (to be spread over two years), $350,000 in 2014 (over two years) and $200,000 in 2016.
In 2011, the Center announced a partnership with MAPLight.org to investigate the influence of money in Wisconsin state politics and policymaking. The project was supported by the Open Society Institute. The Center received about $25,000 for this project in 2011 and a similar amount in the first half of 2012.
In 2013, The Joyce Foundation became a major supporter of the Center. The Chicago-based foundation awarded a $100,000 grant that was split by the Center and MinnPost, a nonprofit news organization, to support in-depth coverage of key issues in Wisconsin and Minnesota. The grant funded coverage of political reform, environmental protection and gun violence issues in Wisconsin, as well as political reform in Minnesota. In 2014, Joyce awarded the Center $50,000 to support coverage of democracy, the environment and gun violence prevention. That was followed by a two-year grant in 2016, awarding $50,000 annually to support coverage of democracy, the environment and gun violence prevention. In 2018, The Joyce Foundation awarded the Center a two-year grant of $100,000 a year. In 2020, the foundation awarded the Center a two-year general support grant of $150,000 a year.
The Evjue Foundation, the charitable arm of The Capital Times in Madison, is a major supporter of the Center. The foundation made contributions to WCIJ in 2009, 2010, 2011 and 2012, and in 2013, significantly increased its support to $20,000 — the largest single contribution received from a Wisconsin donor. Evjue repeated its $20,000 support in 2014 and 2015, and increased its giving to $30,000 in 2016, 2017, 2018 and 2019. It contributed $10,000 in 2020.
At the end of 2017, the Center was awarded $28,000 from NewsMatch, now funded by an expanded number of donors, for meeting the program’s fundraising goals, and in 2018, the Center was awarded $27,000 from NewsMatch. The Center successfully attained its 2019 NewsMatch goal and also was selected to receive an additional $10,000 from REI Co-op.
In 2015, the Vital Projects Fund, based in New York City, became a major supporter, contributing $25,000 to support the Center’s coverage of criminal justice issues. It provided $20,000 in 2016, $15,000 in 2017 and $20,000 in 2019.
The Reva & David Logan Foundation, based in Chicago, became a major supporter of the Center in 2017 with a general support grant of $100,000. The foundation awarded the Center $125,000 grants in 2018 and 2019. In 2020, the foundation awarded the Center a three-year grant of $150,000 a year.
The Center also is grateful for support it received from the Peters Family Foundation in Utah in 2009, 2010, 2011, 2012, 2013, 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017, 2018 and 2019; the Wisconsin State Journal in 2009, 2012, 2013 and 2014; and the Wisconsin Newspaper Association and its related foundation, which provided $10,000 in 2014 and 2015, $14,000 in 2016, $20,000 in 2017, and $5,000 in 2019 and 2020.
In 2016, the University of Wisconsin-Madison School of Journalism and Mass Communication received a grant from the Ira and Ineva Reilly Baldwin Wisconsin Idea Endowment to establish a class in fact-checking and to create The Observatory website to publish fact-checked reports and information about fact-checking. The Center, in turn, received a contract of $15,000 in the first year and $10,000 in the second to develop and launch the website and assist in fact-checking, editing and distribution of content. The Center is training students and raising the supply of high-quality verified journalism.
In 2017, the School of Journalism and Mass Communication received a three-year grant totaling $120,000 from the Ira and Ineva Reilly Baldwin Wisconsin Idea Endowment to collaborate with the Center on production of investigative reports by students that are published on the Center’s website and distributed to media partners across the state and nation. The Center was paid through a contract.
In 2019, Houston philanthropists Laura and John Arnold, founders of Arnold Ventures, became major supporters of the Center, with a $100,000 gift of general operating support. They also provided a gift of $100,000 in 2020.
In 2019, the Lau and Bea Christensen Charitable Foundation donated $10,000 to support the Center.
In 2019, Mary and Ken Rouse donated $50,000 to the Center from the estate of their friend, Roger “Whitey” Bruesewitz.
In 2019, Susan Troller Cosgrove and her husband, Howard Cosgrove, established a fund in memory of her mother, Dorothy Mae Johnson Troller, a 1949 UW-Madison journalism graduate, to support the work of journalism students at the Center. They are contributing $10,000 a year in the first phase of the fund.
In 2019, the Wm. Collins Kohler Foundation awarded the Center a gift of $35,000 a year for three years to support fact-checking and other efforts to strengthen the integrity of journalism.
LinkedIn co-founder Reid Hoffman became a major supporter of the Center in 2019 with a $100,000 gift of general operating support.
Members of the Center’s Board of Directors, who serve as volunteers, are financial supporters of the organization.
The Center has received revenue for producing reports and conducting interviews through arrangements with the Center for Public Integrity, a nonprofit investigative news organization in Washington, D.C.; WBEZ Public Media in Chicago; American University’s J-Lab: The Institute for Interactive Journalism; Reveal from the Center for Investigative Reporting; Sarah Colt Productions in New York City; HuffPost; and NPR.
In 2017, the Center launched the Watchdog Club to enrich members’ experience with investigative journalism, and to involve these loyal members in efforts to transform the Center into a larger, more financially resilient organization. These members donate $1,000 or more a year per household.
In 2019, the Center created the Leadership Circle, a group of Watchdog Club members taking a leadership role in sustaining investigative reporting and the training of investigative journalists. These members donated $5,000 or more in 2019:
Laura and John Arnold Mary Burke Lau and Bea Christensen Charitable Foundation Susan Troller Cosgrove and Howard Cosgrove Evjue Foundation Wendy Fearnside and Bruce Meier Andy and Dee J. Hall Larry Hands and Karen Kendrick-Hands Phil and Tricia Hands Sally Mead Hands Foundation Reid Hoffman Barbara Johnson Wm. Collins Kohler Foundation Reva and David Logan Foundation David and Marion Meissner Peters Family Foundation Mary and Ken Rouse
In 2019 and 2020, the Center received subsidies (50% in year one, 33% in year two) to support the salary of a Report for America journalist who is producing an investigative podcast on police and prosecutorial misconduct in Wisconsin.
In 2019 and 2020, the Center received a total of $234,000 from the Google News Initiative to support the launch of News414, a collaborative project of the Center, Milwaukee Neighborhood News Service and Outlier Media. News414 engages residents of underserved Milwaukee neighborhoods, responds to information requests via text message, investigates residents’ most pressing needs and delivers accountability journalism.
In 2019 and 2020, the Center received $100,000 grants from the Facebook Membership Accelerator, to support its development of a membership program and improvements to its digital infrastructure. The Lenfest Institute collaborated in the grantmaking.
In 2020, the Center received $8,500 from the Walton Family Foundation for its role in a collaborative reporting project on rural education during the pandemic. Six other newsrooms participated in the project, with assistance from the Institute for Nonprofit News.
In 2020, the Center received a $93,581 forgivable loan under the federal Paycheck Protection Program to support its operations through the economic uncertainty caused by the pandemic.
In 2020, the Center received $20,000 from First Draft to support the work of Howard Hardee, one of First Draft’s fellows reporting on misinformation and disinformation in the 2020 election.
In 2020, Craig Newmark Philanthropies provided a $70,000 grant to the Center for its role in the Election Integrity Project to safeguard the voices of voters. The Center collaborated with the UW-Madison Center for Journalism Ethics, which also received grant money, to produce tools for the public and journalists to discern what’s credible, and what’s not.
In 2020, ProPublica’s Electionland project provided a 25% subsidy of a Center reporter’s salary to support coverage of voting issues.
In 2020, the Center received $51,000 from Votebeat, a nonprofit newsroom covering local election administration and voting in eight states, created by Chalkbeat. The Center works with two reporters and an editor on stories focusing on Wisconsin elections and voting.
Our financial supporters
(Updated November 2020)
A to Z Produce and Bakery
Lisa Aarli and Gail Owens
Helen Aarli
Abbotsford Tribune Phonograph
Linda and James Adams
Jason Alcorn
Amazon Smile
Judy Amery-Ryland
Diane Ames
Noel Anderson
Elizabeth Andre
Margaret Andrietsch
Mary Anglim
Lynn and Dr. Tom Ansfield
Charles Anstett
David Antonioni
Susan Applegate
Appleton Post-Crescent Community Fund
Claudia Apuzzo
Laura and John Arnold
Michael Arnold
Joan Arnold
Alexandra Arriaga
Alicia Artus
Jeff Ash
Russell Attoe
Jan Axelson
Elizabeth Backes
Adam Balin and Karin Mahony
Bunny Balk
Ellen Balthazor
Robbi Bannen
Daniel Barr
Jeffrey Bartelll
Eileen Bartos
Bastian Family Foundation
Frank W. Bastian
Janet Battista
Chuck Bauer and Charles Beckwith
Mary Kay Baum
Herman Baumann and Kay Schwichtenberg
Keith and Juli Baumgartner
Eileen Beamish
Sheridan Bearheart
Steven Beatty
Beaver Dam Daily Citizen
Joseph and Josefina Beck
Barbara Beck
Madeleine Behr
Ann Behrmann
Barbara Bend
Daniel Bennett
Tracy Benton
Jacob Berchem
Laura Berger
Eyoel Berhane
Bill Berry
Stephen Berry
Paul Bickford
Tom and Katherine Bier
Kathy Bissen
Lynn Bjorkman
Kayla Blado
Bev Blietz
Karen Blofeld
Blue Valley Farms
Matthew Boben
Walt Bogdanich
Teri Boggess
Rod Bohn
Jane Boland
Peter Bonnes
Eric Booth
Alan Borsuk
Deanna Bowden
Nicholas Boyle
Maureen Brady
Nancy Bralick
Daniel Brand
Sirianna Brand
Kathleen Brazaitis
Elizabeth Brenner and Steve Ostrofsky
Malcolm and Penny Brett
Elizabeth Brixey
Dylan Brogan
Aimee and Karl Broman
Craig Brooks
Sandra Kay and James Brooks
Wesley Brooks
Suzanne Brooks
Sue Brouillette
Martha Brown
Joanne Brown
Kelly Bryant
Roger Buffett
Roland Buhler
Brian and Margaret Bull
Jay Bullock
Tucker Burch
Jim and Catherine Burgess
Elaine Burke
Mary Burke
Jane Burns
Brad Burrill
Jay Burseth
Paul Burton
Helen Bush
Michael Cain
John Calabrese
Stephen Caldwell
Linda and Edward Calhan
Tom and Patti Cameron
Peter Cameron
Marsha and Peter Cannon
Capital Times
Denis Carey and Carol Koby Carey
Duncan Carlsmith Carlsmith
Dick and Kim Cates
Julia Cechvala
Louisa Cenatiempo
Janice Chernik
Robert Christofferson
Joel Christopher
Dave Cieslewicz
Catherine Cleary
Pamela Clinkenbeard
Ned Cochrane and Bonnie Cox
Marcus and Sheila Cohen
Sarah Cohen
Scott Cohn
Rebecca Cole
Joanne and Jim Collins
Comfypac
Sara Companik
Daniel Conley
Tim Conroy
Linda Cooke
Bill Cooney
Marcy Cox
Craig Newmark Philanthropies
Mike Crane
David Crawford
Robert Crawford
Julie Crego
Dorothy Crenshaw
Sue Cross
Kathleen Culver
Nora Cusack and Brent Nicastro
Betty and Corkey Custer
Annette Czarnecki
Debra Dahlke
John Daigle
Tim Damos
James Danky and Christine Schelshorn
Susan Davenport
Judith Davidoff
Brian A. Davis and Deborah M. Umstead
Thulani Davis
Dead Bird Brewing Co.
Jason Dean
Dorothy Dean
Catherine Decker
Brenda DeJong
Carroll Delaney
Ann Delwiche
Martha Deming
Democracy Fund
Pam Dempsey
Ann Dencker
Jerry Depew
Matt DeRienzo
Claire and Chris DeRosa
Glenn Deutsch
Fernando Diaz
Mary Dibble
Robert Dohnal
Linda Donnelly
Richard Doxtator
Betsy Draine
Robert and Lynn Drechsel
Robert Dreps and Elizabeth Koehl
Joel Dresang
William and Gretchen Dresen
Kathleen Drew
Robert Dreyfus
Thomas and Andy Dukehart
Coburn Dukehart
Caroline Dunham
Bill Dunn
Sharon Dunwoody and Stephen Glass
Claire Duquette
John Durbrow
Kristen Durst
Margarita Dusek
Krista Eastman
Kaye Eckert
Karen and Anthony Eclavea
Jennifer and John Edmondson
Jane Edson
Richard Eggleston
Lynne and Bill Eich
Joe Eisele
El Grito Taqueria
Loren Elkin
Eric Englund
Marlene Enright
James Erickson
Dale Erlandson
Kathleen Esqueda
Ethics and Excellence in Journalism Foundation
Mark and Sara Eversden
Evjue Foundation
John Eyster
Facebook Journalism Project
Facebook Membership Accelerator
Kristeen and Todd Fansler
Michael and Gloria Fauerbach
Robert and Marianne Fazen
Wendy Fearnside and Bruce Meier
Fredrika Feeny
Gary Feider
Margaret Fennig
Paul and Sarah Ferguson
William Field
Vincent Filak
First Draft
Beth Flaherty
Michael Flaherty
Dan Flannery
Anita Flantz
Dorothy Ann Flood-Smith
Kelvin Fodolfo
Ford Foundation
Susan Fowler
Philip Fransen
Georgette Frazer
David Freedman and Harriet Kohn
Kathy Freise
Caroline Fribance
Lewis Friedland and Stacey Oliker
Lauren and Eric Fuhrmann
Fund for Environmental Journalism
Fund for Investigative Journalism
Dennis Gaffney
Susan Gagainis
Bridget Gallagher
Peter Gascoyne and Claudia English
Sharon and Warren Gaskill
Frank S. Gattolin
Robert Gebeloff
Janet and Derrick Gee
Aviva Gellman
Cindy Gengler
Maureen A Gerarden
Christia Gibbons
Scott Gierman
Mark Giese
Dan Gillmor
Rebecca Gilsdorf
Geri Girard
Neil and Cindy Gleason
Christopher and Erin Glueck
Robert Godfrey
Richard Goldberg and Lisa Munro
Marian Goldeen
Kathleen Golden
Dorothy Golush
Dr. Lawrence and Hannah Goodman
Lee Goodwin
Google News Initiative
Linda Gorens-Levey and Michael Levey
Teresa Gorman
Stephanie Govin-Matzat
Kevin Grasse
Lucas Graves
James Grayson
Greater Milwaukee Foundation’s Nickel Fund
Jessica and Brad Green
Gareth Green
Mary Green
Dianne Greenley
Peter and Barbara Grenier
Elizabeth Griffith
Gretchen Griffith
Matt Griffith
Angela Guzman
Timothy Haering
Megan Hagenauer and John Basler
George and Mary Ellen Hagenauer
Robert and Elke Hagge
Steven Hahn
Paula Hahn
Joseph Hall and Judy Thomas-Hall
Andrew and Dee J. Hall
David Hall
Dan Hall
John Hall
Monica Hall
Henry and Mary Ann Halsted
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Wisconsin Broadcasters Association
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Wm. Collins Kohler Foundation
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Founding Date
2009-01-19
Masthead
Part of our mission at Wisconsin Watch is to train the next generation of journalists and those working in the business of journalism. After team members leave our offices, they move on to jobs in journalism and other fields, where they put the skills they learned at the Center to use by holding the powerful to account, creating innovative ways of engaging with the public and sustaining high-quality journalism, and strengthening our society. See where our former staff, fellows and interns are now.
Andy Hall, a co-founder of the Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism and a former Investigative Reporters and Editors board member, won dozens of awards for his reporting in 26 years at the Wisconsin State Journal and The Arizona Republic. Since the Center’s launch in 2009, he has been responsible for the Center’s journalistic and financial operations. Hall began his career in 1982 as a copyboy at The New York Times. At The Republic, Hall helped break the “Keating Five” scandal involving Sen. John McCain. At the State Journal, Hall’s stories held government and the powerful accountable and protected the vulnerable through coverage that addressed the racial achievement gap in public schools and helped spark the creation of the nationally noted Schools of Hope volunteer tutoring program, revealed NCAA violations by University of Wisconsin athletes, and exposed appalling conditions in neglected neighborhoods such as Allied Drive and Worthington Park. Hall won a first-place award in 2008 for beat reporting from the Education Writers Association. He also has received National Headliner, Gerald Loeb, James K. Batten and Inland Press Association awards for investigative, financial, deadline and civic journalism coverage. Hall has served as a mentor to the staff of La Comunidad, a Spanish-language newspaper in Madison, and has taught numerous courses at the University of Wisconsin-Madison School of Journalism & Mass Communication. He serves on the Wisconsin Freedom of Information Council Board of Directors, Iowa Center for Public Affairs Journalism Board of Directors, and Indiana University Media School’s Journalism Alumni Board, of which he is president. He earned a bachelor’s degree from Indiana University and, in 2016, received a Distinguished Alumni Award from the IU Media School. He also serves as a member of the Institute for Nonprofit News membership task force to create and uphold high industry standards.
Dee J. Hall, a co-founder of the Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism, joined the staff as managing editor in June 2015. She is responsible for the Center’s daily news operations. She worked at the Wisconsin State Journal for 24 years as an editor and reporter focusing on projects and investigations. A 1982 graduate of Indiana University’s journalism school, Hall served reporting internships at the weekly Lake County Star in Crown Point, Ind., The Gary (Ind.) Post-Tribune, The Louisville (Ky.) Times and The St. Petersburg (Fla.) Times. Prior to returning to her hometown of Madison in 1990, she was a reporter for eight years at The Arizona Republic newspaper in Phoenix, where she covered city government, schools and the environment. During her 35-year journalism career, Hall has won more than three dozen local, state and national awards for her work, including the 2001 State Journal investigation that uncovered a $4 million-a-year secret campaign machine operated by Wisconsin’s top legislative leaders.
Lauren Fuhrmann joined the Center in 2011 after receiving her bachelor’s degree in journalism from the University of Missouri-Columbia. At the Center, Fuhrmann leads revenue development efforts as well as public engagement initiatives, including events, social media, newsletter and promotional materials; tracks the distribution and assesses the impact of WCIJ’s news stories; assists with development of donors and writing of grant reports; handles bookkeeping duties; produces photos, audio and video content; and copyedits stories. A Wisconsin native, her reporting focused on environmental and health issues. Fuhrmann previously researched audience engagement as a social media intern for Harvest Public Media and spent two years as a multimedia reporter for KBIA 91.3 FM and the Columbia Missourian. Fuhrmann is vice president and treasurer of the Madison Pro Chapter of the Society of Professional Journalists. She was among five young leaders in the inaugural group of “Future Headliners” honored in 2014 by the Wisconsin Newspaper Association and a member of the inaugural Emerging Leaders Council recognized by the Institute for Nonprofit News. In 2017, Fuhrmann became a Certified Nonprofit Accounting Professional.
Jay Burseth joined the Center in April 2020 as the Development Director. His role includes setting the organization’s vision for fundraising growth; building and executing a development plan; working directly with donors and other supporters to further the Center’s mission; managing grant proposals and reports; and leading the development team and interns to meet fundraising goals. Prior to joining the Center, Burseth led fundraising for the Milwaukee County Parks and was the Development Director for the Milwaukee-based public radio music station, WMSE 91.7. Burseth holds a Master’s in Nonprofit Management and Leadership from UW-Milwaukee, where he focused on fundraising and marketing in public media, as well as a Bachelor’s degree in Political Science and History, also from UWM.
Coburn Dukehart joined the Center in 2016 as digital and multimedia director. Her role includes directing the Center’s visual strategy, creating visual and audio content, managing digital assets and training student and professional journalists. Dukehart previously was a senior photo editor at National Geographic, the picture and multimedia editor at NPR, a photo editor at USATODAY.com and washingtonpost.com, interned in the White House photo department, and worked for a London-based publishing group. She has received awards from the National Press Photographers Association, Pictures of the Year International and the White House News Photographers Association. Her multimedia and photography work has been honored with a Webby, a Gracie, a Murrow, a duPont, and Milwaukee Press Club awards, and she was nominated for a national Emmy. Dukehart received a bachelor’s degree in journalism and English from the University of Wisconsin-Madison. She holds a master’s degree in photojournalism from the University of Missouri-Columbia.
Jim Malewitz joined the Center in 2019 as investigations editor. His role includes editing, managing fellows and interns, facilitating cross-newsroom collaborations and investigative reporting. Malewitz has worked almost exclusively in nonprofit, public affairs journalism. He most recently reported on the environment for Bridge Magazine in his home state of Michigan, following four years as an energy and investigative reporter for the Texas Tribune. Malewitz previously covered energy and the environment for Stateline, a nonprofit news service in Washington, D.C. His work has also appeared in The New York Times, The Washington Post, POLITICO Magazine and newspapers across the country. Malewitz majored in political science at Grinnell College in Iowa and holds a master’s degree in journalism from the University of Iowa. There, he was a founding staff member of the nonprofit Iowa Center for Public Affairs Journalism, where he serves on the board of directors.
Emily Neinfeldt joined the Center in September 2017 after graduating from the University of Wisconsin-Madison with a degree in journalism and political science. She started as a public engagement and marketing intern before becoming membership manager in 2019 and membership director in 2021. Her role includes maintaining and improving the digital infrastructure and operations developed under the Facebook Local News Membership Accelerator program and recommending and leading implementation of audience-growth efforts including marketing initiatives. Before working at the Center, she was a news intern at Wispolitics.com. She has also worked as associate news editor, features editor and managing editor at The Badger Herald, an independent student newspaper. Neinfeldt is secretary of the Madison Pro Chapter of the Society of Professional Journalists.
Staff
Bram Sable-Smith, WPR Mike Simonson Memorial Investigative Reporting Fellow
Bram Sable-Smith joined the Center in 2019 as the Wisconsin Public Radio Mike Simonson Memorial Investigative Reporting Fellow. Before moving to Wisconsin he spent five years reporting on health care at KBIA in Columbia, Missouri and as a founding reporter of Side Effects Public Media, a public media reporting collaborative in the Midwest. He also taught radio journalism at the University of Missouri School of Journalism. Sable-Smith’s contributed stories to National Public Radio’s Morning Edition and All Things Considered, American Public Media’s Marketplace and Kaiser Health News. His reporting has received two national Edward R. Murrow awards, two national Sigma Delta Chi awards, a health policy award from the Association of Health Care Journalists among others. Sable-Smith is a proficient Spanish speaker and a graduate of Washington University in St. Louis.
Phoebe Petrovic joined Wisconsin Watch in 2019 as a Report for America corps member. She is leading creation of an investigative podcast examining police and prosecutorial misconduct in Wisconsin. She formerly served as a general assignment reporter at Wisconsin Public Radio through the Lee Ester News Fellowship and, prior to that, was an editorial radio intern at “Reveal” from the Center for Investigative Reporting. She also worked as a producer for NPR’s “Here & Now” and a reporter for WCPN ideastream, Northeast Ohio’s NPR member station. Petrovic earned a bachelor’s degree in American Studies from Yale University, where she founded and led audio projects including Herald Audio, the first-ever audio section of an undergraduate publication, and “Small-Great Objects,” the first-ever podcast series installed at Yale University Art Gallery.
Vanessa Swales joined the Center as an investigative reporter in 2020. Swales is a multilingual British-American-Iranian reporter who has worked in London, New York, San Francisco and Málaga, Spain. She most recently completed a reporting fellowship at the New York Times. Swales is a graduate of the Spanish-language journalism program at the Craig Newmark Graduate School of Journalism, where she specialized in investigative and data journalism. She previously worked for NBC Investigations, Reveal, Diario SUR and SUR in English. She speaks fluent Spanish, and intermediate French, and basic Italian and Farsi.
Bevin Christie joined News414, a collaboration between Wisconsin Watch, Milwaukee Neighborhood News Service and Outlier Media, in August 2020. Christie is a social entrepreneur and community organizer, with a background in education reform and workforce development. Throughout her career, Christie has partnered with a variety of industries, public/private schools, community based organizations, and the Milwaukee community to build upon a belief that a culture healing, equity, and inclusion is key to Milwaukee being a better place to thrive not just survive. She serves on the Board of Directors for the Zeidler Group for Public Discussion, is a board member and on planning committees for Youth Frontiers Ethical Leadership Luncheon, Latino and Black Male Achievement Summit, Alverno Summit for Women and Girls, City of Milwaukee’s Black Male Achievement Council Education/Workforce Development Committee, and Milwaukee’s Boys and Men of Color Week. She also serves as a program committee member for Employee Milwaukee’s Board of Directors, and Milwaukee County’s Government Alliance on Race and Equity (GARE) Learning Community.
Claire DeRosa graduated from UW-Madison with a degree in journalism and political science in 2020. As graphic designer, she is responsible for creating project series graphics, logos, ads, page layouts and social media content for the Center. DeRosa serves as lead designer for Wisconsin Watch’s collaborative text-based service journalism project with Milwaukee Neighborhood News Service and Outlier Media, News 414. She also serves as lead designer for the Center’s collaborative Election Integrity project with the Center for Journalism Ethics and First Draft covering disinformation in the 2020 presidential election. DeRosa studied 3D animation at the School of Motion during quarantine learning how to model, light, color and animate in Cinema 4D. Claire enjoys deejaying and producing electronic music in her free time.
Will Cioci joined Wisconsin Watch in 2020 as a multimedia journalism intern. He is a senior at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, pursuing a degree in Journalism, Environmental Studies, and Political Science. He has interned for state and local government in the past and works as a photographer and occasional reporter for the Daily Cardinal student newspaper at UW-Madison.
Enjoyiana Nururdin, production assistant, investigative podcast
Enjoyiana Nururdin joined the Center in October 2019 as a reporting intern. She was promoted in March 2020 to the position of production assistant on the Center’s investigative podcast, which is examining police and prosecutorial misconduct in Wisconsin. Nururdin began her journalism career in middle school, working for the nonprofit Simpson Street Free Press. She currently is a junior studying Reporting and Strategic Communication and Political Economy, Philosophy and Politics at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. She has interned for the Cap Times, WORT Radio and The Weekend Today Show at NBC in New York City.
Interns
Lauryn Azu, public engagement and marketing intern
Lauryn Azu joined Wisconsin Watch in January 2021 as a public engagement and marketing intern. She is pursuing a degree in journalism and Latin American studies and a certificate in digital studies. At UW-Madison she is senior copy editor of the online student publication The Black Voice. She has previously interned with the Center for Journalism Ethics as an Election Integrity Fellow, WDET-FM Detroit, the Journalism, Ethics, and Democracy Institute at the University of Notre Dame, and the Detroit Free Press. She’s interested in media literacy, language, technology, ethics, and finding creative ways to share stories that matter.
Dana Brandt joined Wisconsin Watch in January 2021 as an editorial intern. She is a senior at UW-Madison, where she studies journalism and English. Brandt has previously worked as a student fellow with the university’s Center for Journalism Ethics, as an investigative intern with the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel and as college news editor with the Daily Cardinal, an independent student newspaper on campus.
Abigail Steinberg, public engagement and marketing intern
Abigail Steinberg joined the Center in January 2021 as a public engagement and marketing intern. Steinberg began communications work as the opinion editor for The Badger Herald, an independent student newspaper, and has held internship positions with the U.S. Department of Justice Office of Public Affairs, Madison Public Library Foundation, Planet Propaganda, and the Center for Journalism Ethics at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. She is a senior at UW studying strategic communication, political science, and public policy. Steinberg is an avid volunteer for the Hugh O’Brian Youth Leadership Foundation and is excited to further her passion for journalism, communications, and public service with the Center.
Barbara Johnson joined the Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism in 2016. A volunteer at the Center, Johnson draws upon her professional experience and contacts to strengthen the Center’s operations, with a special focus on the development of the Center’s business model. She was CEO and COO of four media companies in New York and Madison before her retirement in 2015. Johnson was a reporter and editor for 15 years before moving into business roles, winning national and state awards for her investigative stories. She has served on the boards of public and private companies and as an operating partner of a private equity firm. She is a graduate of the University of Michigan.
Christopher Glueck joined the Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism in 2015, shortly after retiring from his position as a senior director of development at the University of Wisconsin Foundation. In his 12 years there, Glueck worked with alumni and friends of UW-Madison, primarily on behalf of the College of Letters & Science. Glueck had a broad focus, traveling throughout the nation and succeeding in helping a significant number of people realize their interests in supporting the university in a variety of ways, ranging from annual gifts to scholarships to chairs and professorships. Prior to that, Glueck spent 30 years in the high-tech field working in sales, product management, marketing and management positions, primarily with Wang Laboratories, Inc. and NCR Corporation. He earned a bachelor’s degree in anthropology from UW-Madison and a master’s in business administration from Rivier College (now Rivier University) in Nashua, New Hampshire.
Gail Kohl came to the Center in 2010 with more than 30 years of fundraising experience for both statewide and local organizations, including American Players Theatre, Taliesin Preservation Commission, Frank Lloyd Wright Heritage Tourism Program, United Cerebral Palsy, Seth Peterson Cottage Conservancy and Big Top Chautauqua. From 1993 until 2010, Kohl was development director of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters. Over her career, Kohl has been responsible for major gifts, project and operations funding, membership development and enhancement, strategic partnerships and alliances, event planning and coordination, special projects, proposal and grant writing.
Christa Westerberg is an attorney at Pines Bach LLP in Madison, Wisconsin, where she practices environmental, civil rights, and open government law. Since 2008, Westerberg has served as the vice president of the Wisconsin Freedom of Information Council.
At the nonprofit and nonpartisan Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism, accuracy is something we think about all the time. An integral step in our process happens after a reporter finishes a story but before the story reaches our readers’ eyes: fact-checking.
Every report we produce goes through a rigorous review. Managing Editor Dee J. Hall, or another fact-checker, typically spends between eight and 12 hours with the reporter verifying each and every word. Tack on the time it takes to vet multimedia elements, and we spend at least two full days scrutinizing each major package we distribute.
We believe it is time well spent.
“We’re in the information and fact business,” Hall said. “It is up to individual news editors to choose to run our stories, and they have to be able to trust us.”
Because even a minor fact error like a misspelled name could undermine the Center’s credibility, we take every measure we can to report with accuracy.
Former WCIJ reporter Bill Lueders stands next to four years’ worth of fact-checking materials from the weekly column he wrote. Credit: Sean Kirkby / Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism
For each individual fact — a name or age, a report’s title, a summary of events, a quote or even an impression — the reporter must produce evidence of it from a reliable source. On a printed copy of the story, the fact-checker numbers the fact, while the reporter shows and marks its supporting evidence, which is also printed.
It is a version of a system graciously shared in 2009 by our colleagues at the nonprofit Center for Public Integrity — one we adopted to improve the accuracy of our journalism after two of our earliest reports contained mistakes.
Every fact-check reveals the need for additional editing to enhance clarity. Hall and the reporter also consider whether a story covers a topic fully and fairly.
“There are times during the fact-checking process where you identify gaps in the reporting,” Hall said. “Let’s say a fact you thought was correct is actually off, what else does that mean?”
It is not unusual for a reporter to be sent to do additional reporting after the first review.
In the end, every story has a thick paper file of fact-checking materials which can be easily referenced and reviewed.
Future journalists trained in fact-checking
In addition to producing high-quality journalism, another key part of our mission is training current and future journalists. We aim to instill our obsession with accuracy in them, too.
In 2016 we began working with The Observatory, a student fact-checking outlet founded by Michael Wagner and Lucas Graves, faculty at the University of Wisconsin-Madison School of Journalism and Mass Communication. We assist in fact-checking every story The Observatory publishes.
Adopted May 8, 2018, by the Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism Board of Directors
The Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism’s newsroom guidelines on use of unnamed sources are based on the Society of Professional Journalists Code of Ethics, approved in 1996, and adopted in full by the Center in 2009; and guidelines publicly shared by The New York Times in July 2016.
The Center’s guidelines on use of unnamed sources:
— Identify sources whenever feasible. The public is entitled to as much information as possible on sources’ reliability.
— Always question sources’ motives before promising anonymity. Clarify conditions attached to any promise made in exchange for information. Keep promises.
— Any use of anonymous sourcing must be specifically approved by a top editor such as the managing editor or executive director.
— Direct quotes from anonymous sources should be used rarely, and only when such quotes are pivotal to the story.
— At least one editor must know the specific identity of any anonymous source. This in no way reflects a lack of trust between editor and reporter; it’s just a regular part of our diligence in this sensitive area. The reporter should routinely offer this information, or the story editor should ask.
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It was 10:30 p.m. on June 3, 2011, the last day of deliberations on Wisconsin’s state budget. Members of the Joint Finance Committee, some with deep circles under their eyes after days of fighting over budget items, perked up when two Republicans, Sen. Glenn Grothman and Rep. Robin Vos, unveiled a surprise: a massive tax cut worth hundreds of millions of dollars for manufacturers and agricultural businesses.
The official estimate projected that when fully phased in, the measure would cut revenue to the state — which had already made large cuts to education and other programs to balance the budget — by $128.7 million a year.
Rep. Tamara Grigsby, D-Milwaukee, appeared stunned by the size of the tax cut, asking the Legislative Fiscal Bureau representative to add up the total cost over its four-year phase-in.
“This is nauseating,” said Grigsby, who left the Legislature in 2013 and died in 2016. “Really? $320 million to start, and then $128.7 million after that per year? Really? Wow. Wow.”
Vos, then co-chairman of the committee, and Grothman, now a U.S. representative, argued it would bring jobs to Wisconsin, which at the time had a 7.6 percent unemployment rate — although the measure itself had no requirement that jobs be added, or even retained, to qualify for the credit.
After a brief and sometimes heated debate, the tax cut, now known as the Manufacturing and Agriculture Credit, passed on a 12-4 party-line vote.
Within 30 minutes, without any public hearings or public notice, lawmakers had endorsed one of the biggest tax breaks enacted under Gov. Scott Walker. Within 13 days, the Republican-led Assembly and Senate had approved the 2011-13 spending plan, including the tax cut, which Walker signed into law.
Assembly Speaker Robin Vos, R-Rochester, is seen at the State of the State address in Madison, Wis., at the State Capitol on Jan. 10, 2017. Vos and then-Republican state Sen. Glenn Grothman unveiled a last-minute massive tax cut in the 2011-13 budget that caught Democrats by surprise. Credit: Coburn Dukehart / Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism
Since 2010, when voters swept Republicans into power, Wisconsin legislators have increasingly used such secretive maneuvers to keep the public in the dark about major spending and policy changes, interviews and records show.
An investigation by the Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism found the Legislature systematically diminishes the voices of the public by:
— Introducing budget amendments at the end of the approval process with no public notice or debate.
— Approving anonymous, last-minute budget motions containing a grab bag of changes, including major policy items that have nothing to do with state spending.
— Changing the scope and impact of a bill after its public hearing has been held, which excludes regular citizens from having meaningful influence on legislation before it is enacted.
Secretive techniques are not unique to Republicans — or even to Wisconsin. When they controlled the Legislature and governor’s office before the 2010 elections, Democrats played that game, too — notably with their own end-of-the-session wrap-up budget bills of anonymously authored items.
Estimates now show the tax break slipped into the 2011-13 budget will end up costing the state $334 million in revenue this budget year — more than double originally projected. The tax break virtually wipes out tax bills for some of the businesses and individuals who apply for it.
“The fact that the tax cut was passed at the last minute with no public input was not good,” said Tamarine Cornelius, an analyst with the left-leaning Wisconsin Budget Project. “But it’s not that unusual. A lot of things get slipped into budget amendments, it’s just that they don’t usually wind up costing upwards of $300 million a year.”
Democratic gubernatorial candidate Tony Evers has called for a tax credit passed in the 2011 budget motion to be severely curtailed, noting that nearly 80 percent the money goes to people and businesses earning at least $1 million a year. Evers, the state superintendent of public instruction, is seen here at the State of the State address in Madison, Wis., on Jan. 10, 2017. Credit: Coburn Dukehart / Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism
Studies disagree about whether the credit has spurred job growth, with University of Wisconsin-Madison economics professor Noah Williams crediting it withcreating 20,000 manufacturing jobswhile the Wisconsin Budget Project cites federal statistics showing state manufacturing job and wage growth continue to be slower here than the national average.
But one thing is indisputable: The public and many lawmakers never had the chance to hear the merits and risks of the plan before it was passed.
Anonymous budget proposals grow
One secretive mechanism used by the Legislature is the final omnibus budget motion, sometimes known as motion 999, although it could bear any number. The motion compiles a vast array of anonymously introduced items as a package, then the Joint Finance Committee votes on the changes. The public has little chance to comment.
Tim Cullen, former Democratic senator who served in the Legislature in the 1970s and ‘80s and again from 2011 to 2015, says when he was a legislative leader, last-minute budget amendments included minor items. Now they are used to hide major spending and policy changes, he says. Credit: Coburn Dukehart / Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism
Former state Sen. Tim Cullen, a Democrat who served between 1975 and 1987 and again from 2011 to 2015, said use of these omnibus motions has changed significantly since his first time in the Senate.
Cullen, who served as Senate majority leader, said in the 1970s and ‘80s, 999 motions had an informal limit of $25,000 per item and were prohibited from having broad or statewide impact. Typical items were money for the local historical society, a liquor license for a township or a gymnasium, he said.
However, in recent years, these budget fixes have included sweeping measures such as the attempt to dismantle the Wisconsin Open Records Law — a proposal that was so unpopular that Walker and GOP leaders agreed to remove it from the 2015-17 budget.
Former long-time state Sen. Dale Schultz, a Republican who also served as majority leader, said in the past, this wrap-up budget motion allowed each side to make minor changes to keep the budget passage moving along. Schultz, of Richland Center, served from 1983 to 2015.
Former long-time Wisconsin state Sen. Dale Schultz, a Republican who also served as majority leader, said in the past, the omnibus budget motion allowed each side to make minor changes to keep the budget passage moving along. Schultz, who served from 1983 to 2015, said that later changed to include major policy shifts introduced anonymously. Credit: Cameron Smith / Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism
According to Schultz, it used to be “pretty obvious” who was backing these small-scale budget amendments. But this has changed.
“When you decide to thwart Wisconsin’s Open Records Law, and nobody ‘fesses up as to who did it, well, how does the public have a right to know?” Schultz said of the 2015 Republican- authored 999 motion.
That motion sparked a statewide public backlash that crossed ideological lines. It was the moment that conservative activist Orville Seymer parted ways with conservatives in the Legislature whom he has supported.
“They tried to destroy the Open Records Law and open meetings. That was the most atrocious thing I’ve seen in years and years and years,” said Seymer, founder of Citizens for Responsible Government, a government accountability group founded during the Milwaukee County pension scandal in the early 2000s.
Conservative activist Orville Seymer of Citizens for Responsible Government says he was angered by the Legislature’s attempt in 2015 to eviscerate the state’s open-records law through an anonymous, last-minute amendment to the state budget. “That was the most atrocious thing I’ve seen in years and years and years.” Photo taken Feb. 27, 2018. Credit: Cameron Smith / Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism
State Sen. Kathleen Vinehout, D-Alma, has noticed in her 11 years in the Legislature an increase in the number of “different pieces of policy that have been added to the budget at the last minute.”
“This policy, most of it, would not ever pass if it had its own bill and its own public hearing because it would be so unpopular,” added Vinehout, who ran unsuccessfully in the Democratic gubernatorial primary.
A comparison of these end-of-the-session budget motions showed both parties have used the mechanism “as a hiding spot for pet projects,” but the size and impact of the items has ballooned under Walker, according to Larry Gallup, a senior editor at USA TODAY NETWORK-Wisconsin.
“In the five budget bills before 2011, the 999 motion averaged five pages and 15 motions,” Gallup wrote in a 2017 column for the Wisconsin Freedom of Information Council. “But with the 2011-13 bill, the bill expanded to 11 pages and 54 proposals. By 2015-17, it had ballooned to 24 pages and 81 proposals.”
Sen. Kathleen Vinehout, D-Alma, says she has noticed in her 11 years in the Legislature an increase in the number of “different pieces of policy that have been added to the budget at the last minute.” Credit: Coburn Dukehart / Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism
Most legislative candidates who answered a recent poll on government openness agree that anonymous motions should be a thing of the past. In fact, all but one of the 75 legislative candidates in the upcoming election who answered the Wisconsin Freedom of Information Council poll agreed that all bills, motions and amendments considered by the Legislature should include sponsor names.
Rep. Ron Tusler, R-Menasha, who is running for re-election to Assembly District 3, commented in the poll: “If you can’t even stand by your own bill, you shouldn’t ask me to stand by it.” His opponent, Democrat Scott Gavin of Little Chute, agreed, saying, “Accountability is key.”
999 hides special interest goodies
The 2015-17 final wrap-up budget motion included the quiet repeal of the State False Claims Act, which a Center investigation found has cost Wisconsin taxpayers millions in lost settlements from companies that cheat the state Medicaid program.
Another measure allowed out-of-state risk retention groups to sell medical liability insurance to doctors without meeting Wisconsin regulations designed to protect patients from malpractice.
Risk retention groups are corporations that collect and distribute risk among policyholders engaged in the same or similar practices, such as anesthesiologists and ophthalmologists. The idea of allowing sales of such policies in Wisconsin was introduced as a bill in 2014 but died in committee.
The proposal was so unpopular that despite the fact that it was introduced by fellow Republicans, top officials in the Walker administration testified against it. During the committee hearings, Julie Walsh, then a senior attorney in the Office of the Commissioner of Insurance, said Congress has prohibited states from requiring such risk retention groups to comply with state regulations, such as those aimed at making sure patients and doctors are protected if companies become insolvent.
State Sen. Alberta Darling, R-River Hills, is seen during Gov. Scott Walker’s budget address on Feb. 8, 2017. In 2017, Darling and John Nygren, R-Marinette, co-chairs of the Joint Finance Committee, said they were working to prevent the use of an omnibus motion that includes a grab bag of anonymously authored items at the end of budget deliberations. But when the 2017-19 budget was passed in September 2017, the two again authorized the final motion to make last-minute changes without public input. Credit: Coburn Dukehart / Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism
One year after the bill was killed, it quietly re-appeared in a 999 motion. The drafting files at the Legislative Reference Bureau for the original 2013 bill reveal one possible reason it was resurrected from the dead.
The records show the co-chairman of the Joint Finance Committee, Rep. John Nygren, R-Marinette, had requested the bill be drafted after being contacted by Eric Jensen, a lobbyist for the private, out-of-state risk retention groups Ophthalmic Mutual Insurance Co. and Preferred Physicians Medical Risk Retention Group Inc. The co-chairwoman, Sen. Alberta Darling, R-River Hills, authored the companion bill in the Senate.
According to an email from Walsh in the drafting file, out-of-state companies had been given options for becoming licensed in Wisconsin but sought to avoid the state’s patient-protection regulations.
According to the Wisconsin Democracy Campaign website, Ophthalmic Mutual has not recorded donations to any other Wisconsin legislator before or since.
State Rep. John Nygren, R-Marinette, is seen at the State of the State address at the Capitol in Madison, Wis., on Jan. 24, 2018. Nygren is co-chairman of the Joint Finance Committee. He said the budget bill is “the most publicly debated and scrutinized bill the Legislature passes during the session.” Credit: Coburn Dukehart / Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism
Nygren said he included the item in the 2015 budget after it had gotten a public hearing the session before as a standalone bill, a process he said is “fairly common.”
He defended allowing out-of-state risk retention groups to sell policies in Wisconsin. Such companies “help manage liability costs for health care providers which, in turn, helps control costs for patients,” Nygren said.
He told the Center in an email that the budget bill is “the most publicly debated and scrutinized bill the Legislature passes during the session,” adding, “I believe the public plays a vital role in lawmaking and democracy.”
In 2017, Nygren and Darling said they were working to prevent the use of the controversial motion. But when the 2017-19 budget was passed in September 2017, the two again authorized the final motion to make last-minute changes without public input — including items that had nothing to do with state spending. They included loosening standards for setting up charter schools and requiring state universities to track how many hours each instructor teaches.
State budget full of non-fiscal items
Barry Burden, professor of political science at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and director of the Elections Research Center, said budget bills are a favorite hiding place for unpopular legislation.
“We know they (budget bills) have to be passed,” Burden said. “That’s when members try to slide in all of the things they thought might not pass on their own or might not be part of some other piece of legislation.”
Barry Burden, professor of political science at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and director of the Elections Research Center, says budget bills are a favorite hiding place for unpopular legislation. “We know they (budget bills) have to be passed,” Burden said. “That’s when members try to slide in all of the things they thought might not pass on their own.” Credit: Courtesy of Barry Burden
He added that the anonymity of the 999 motion is politically enticing because it avoids public scrutiny. The majority party can “bury” unpopular items in bigger motions.
“Everyone can say they were against that little thing that was added in the 999, but the bill — they voted for the larger bill. We’ll never know exactly what their stance was on those items,” Burden said.
This kind of opacity is not unique to Wisconsin.
In November 2017, the Kansas City Star published a months-long investigation documenting corruption, secrecy and suppression of public input in state government. The newspaper found that more than 90 percent of Kansas laws over the past decade began as anonymously submitted bills, meaning the people of Kansas typically did not know who introduced the legislation or why.
Cullen, the former senator and current co-chair of the Fair Elections Project, which works to stop partisan gerrymandering, echoed Burden’s concerns about accountability. “If you do a 999 motion and do all this terrible public policy stuff and it blows up and the public is mad at you, why do you (the politician) care?”
Vinehout said many interests, such as the rent-to-own industry, have begun to exert more influence over Wisconsin’s budget-making process because of this secretive technique.
“The problem the Legislature faces now is that the groups, these shadow groups, have much more power to be able to get pieces of policy that they want into the budget, and that is a way to obscure what actually has happened,” she said.
‘Body Snatcher’ bills
Another stealth move is reminiscent of the 1978 film, Invasion of the Body Snatchers, in which aliens inhabit the bodies of people while keeping their outside appearance the same — but in these cases, it is legislation that is secretly transformed.
Sinsinawa Dominican Sister Pat Davis, right, along with former Madison School Board member Mary Kay Baum, right center, and Joan Duerst from MOSES, left, meet with Katy Prange, chief of staff for Sen. Howard Marklein, R-Spring Green, to advocate against Senate Bill 54 on March 13, 2018. A $350 million prison was added onto the bill, which proposed changes to probation and extended supervision. The bill did not pass when the Senate declined to take it up. Credit: Coburn Dukehart / Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism
These are bills introduced with one purpose, but later amended to do something entirely different — often after public hearings have ended. Burden said Congress is notorious for adding last-minute, unrelated items to the budget — a bill that must pass for the government to operate.
Members try “to stick things in about immigration, about abortion, about guns, about a train tunnel in New York that all are worthwhile things to debate, but they just see that this is the vehicle that could pass them,” he said.
The same thing happens in Wisconsin. One such Body Snatcher bill, Senate Bill 54, was introduced in February 2017. The bill as originally introduced would require the Department of Corrections to recommend revoking extended supervision, parole or probation if a person is charged with a new crime.
A group of citizens gathers at the Wisconsin State Capitol on March 13, 2018 to protest the inclusion of a $350 million prison on a bill that would have made unrelated changes to Department of Corrections’ policy on probation and parole. The prison measure — added after the public hearing — would have resulted in the first new prison in Wisconsin in 17 years. The Senate declined to take up the bill. Credit: Coburn Dukehart / Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism
One year later, in February 2018, SB 54 was amended by a group of Republican legislators led by Rep. Joe Sanfelippo, R-New Berlin. The amendment added construction of a $350 million prison. It would have been the first new state prison built in Wisconsin in at least 17 years.
Despite a year of deliberation on the original bill, the measure was amended and voted on the same day in the Assembly — with no chance for public input.
The prison amendment was “grafted” onto the bill during a “packed three-day Assembly session where many bills were discussed and voted on, and a lot of people missed that it happened,” said Molly Collins, advocacy director of the American Civil Liberties Union of Wisconsin.
Opponents of a last-minute addition of a $350 million prison to Senate Bill 54 gather on March 13, 2018 at the Wisconsin State Capitol. The group of about 100 citizens met for an information session about the bill and then lobbied senators to vote against it. The bill failed to pass after the Senate declined to take it up. Credit: Coburn Dukehart / Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism
In the end, the ACLU and more than 50 other groups mobilized a campaign and transported protesters to Madison to lobby against the bill in the Senate. It failed to pass when the Senate declined to take it up.
Said Collins: “Building a new prison had not been discussed, let alone borrowing $350 million to fund it.”
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Last-minute surprises and secretive moves hide Wisconsin lawmakers’ actions from public view
by Dee J. Hall, WisconsinWatch.org October 28, 2018